Tuesday, September 25, 2018

ON TYRANNY, short and wry lessons from the 20th Century to preserve your liberty



"... the precedent set by the Founders demands that we examine history to understand the deep sources of tyranny, and to consider the proper responses to it. Americans today are no wiser than the Europeans who saw democracy yield to facism, Nazism, or communism in the twentieth century. Our one advantage is that we might learn from their experience. Now is a good time to do so." --Tim Snyder

"Mr. Snyder is a rising public intellectual unafraid to make bold connections between past and present." --The New York Times

This little book of 126 pages succeeds in connecting our time with what went before. In short essays astute, wry and instructive, it lets you know what has happened, where we are and what one person of conscience can do. Here are snippets from Topics.

 1. DO NOT OBEY IN ADVANCE
Aticipatory obedience is a political tragedy.

2. DEFEND INSTITUTIONS
Do not speak of "our institutions" unless you make them yours
by action on their behalf.

3.  BEWARE THE ONE-PARTY STATE
The parties that remade states and suppressed rivals were
not omnipotent from the start.

4. TAKE RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE FACE OF THE WORLD
The symbols of today enable the reality of tomorrow. Notice the swastikas and the other signs of hate. Do not look away, and do not get used to them. Remove them yourself and set an example for others to do so.

5.  REMEMBER PROFESSIONAL ETHICS
Political leaders set a negative example, professional commitments to just practices become more important.

6.  BE WARY OF PARAMILITARIES
When the men with guns who have always claimed to be against the system start wearing uniforms and marching with torches and pictures of a leader, the end is nigh.

7.  BE REFLECTIVE IF YOU MUST BE ARMED
If you carry a weapon in public service, may God bless you and keep you. But know that the evils of the past involved policemen and soldiers finding themselves, one day, doing irregular things. Be ready to say no.

8.  STANDOUT
Someone has to.

9. BE KIND TO OUR LANGUAGE
Avoid pronouncing the phrases everyone else does. Think up your own way of speaking, even if only to convey that thing you think everyone is saying.

10. BELIEVE IN TRUTH
To abandon facts is to abandon freedom

11. INVESTIGATE
Figure things out for yourself. Spend more time with long articles. Subsidize investigative journalism by subscribing to print media.

12. MAKE EYE CONTACT AND SMALL TALK
Small talk is not just polite. It is also a way to stay in touch with your surroundings, break down social barriers, and understand whom you should and should not trust. If we enter a culture of denunciation, you will want to know the psychological landscape of your daily life.

13. PRACTICE CORPOREAL POLITICS
Power wants your body softening in your chair and your emotions dissipating on the screen. Get outside. Put your body in unfamiliar places with unfamiliar people. Make new friends and march with them.

14. ESTABLISH A PRIVATE LIFE
Nastier rulers will use what they know about you to push you around. Scrub your computer of malware on a regular basis. Remember that email is skywriting.

15. CONTRIBUTE TO GOOD CAUSES
Be active in organizations, political or not, that express your own view of life. Pick a charity or two and set up autopay.

16. LEARN FROM PEERS IN OTHER COUNTRIES
Keep up your friendships abroad , or make new friends in other countries.The present difficulties in the United States are an element of a larger trend.

17. LISTEN FOR DANGEROUS WORDS
Listen to the use of extremism and terrorism. Be alive to the fatal notions of emergency and exception. Be angry about the treacherous use of patriotic vocabulary.

18. BE CALM WHEN THE UNTHINKABLE ARRIVES
Modern tyranny is terror management. When the terrorist attack comes, remember that authoritarians expoit such events to consolidate power.

19. BE A PATRIOT
Set a good example for generations to come. They will need it.

20. BE AS COURAGEOUS AS YOU CAN
If none of us is prepared to die for freedom, then all of us will die under tyranny.

ON TYRANNY is a Tim Duggan book available on audio from Penguin Random House.
Snyder Professor of History at Yale and author is a member of the Committee on Conscience of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museumand a permanent fellow of the Institute for Human Sciences in Vienna.

Read this book, know the landscape, update your passport!

S.W.

Saturday, September 8, 2018

Ken Krimstein's witty and profound graphic novel THE THREE ESCAPES OF HANNAH ARENDT

A Thinking Woman's Icon, HANNAH ARENDT, celebrated in Ken Krimstein's witty and profound 
new graphic novel. THE THREE ESCAPES OF HANNAH ARENDT: A Tyranny of Truth (Bloomsbury September)

I read Hannah Arendt's book Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil, about the former vacuum cleaner salesman, German Nazi SS-Obersturmbannf├╝hrer and one of the major organizers of the Holocaust. He made sure the trains to the gas chambers ran on time packed with passengers. Arendt's account of his trial was a stunning inquiry into the man and the political system he served. Her coverage was controversial, because she depicted not a monster, but a man frighteningly average. 

Ahrendt was an intellectual, a brilliant philosopher, when she fled from Hitler's  terror--from Germany to Paris, from Paris to America.  Coincidentally, it was The New Yorker who asked her to report on the Eichmann Trial and it's the New Yorker cartoonist, Ken Krimstein, who with great intellectual insight and humor, has recreated her life's journey.. Here is the young girl concerned with truth, the young woman obsessed with ultimate truth and Heidigger, her professor--the great philosopher who became compromised by his support of the Nazis. Hannah's ability to assess reality, allows her to stay ahead of her pursuers. Eventually, renowned in New York, she publishes her major  work as a political theorist, The Origins of Totalitarianism.  

In the time of Trump this book, originally published in the 1950s, has again become a bestseller. Ahrendt's thought is, uncompromising and inspired. Krimstein shows us thought as an art form and where it leads her is inspiring. I have read Krimstein's graphic novel twice. It is beautiful, smart, funny, as well as educational. The people she met and socialized with were worlds unto themselves.  Painters, musicians, theorists, filmakers, writers; a glimpse of exiting film director Bertolt Brecht in Germany, Dietrich and Chagall in France, Rothko and Saul Bellow in New York. Krimstein draws parties, soirees, salons and footnotes all these people. You get a sense of her circles--who these people were and how they thought. History is alive and great fun. Congrats to Krimstein for bringing this story to life.  Serious fun. 

S.W.



Monday, September 3, 2018

Separate but Equal? Homogenity vs. Diversity--Upheavals in Europe and the U.S.



Separate but Equal ?
Individual and Community since the Enlightenment By Richard Herr (Berkeley Public Policy Press).

Richard Herr's book about Individual and Community is academic but accessible and well worth the effort. I read this because I wanted to understand why our Democracy worked in the past and whether our current turmoil seriously threatens that stability. We have "disruption" caused by our government's dismantelling of major institutions, as well as a rise of populist tribalism. It seems sudden that now a homogenous America, led by white males with wealth, are solely entitled to education, health care and national resources as part of their privilege, while  more diverse groups are suspect. Previously, diversity of individuals with all equally sharing resources, was a national ideal. , I look forward to a more inclusive future. So I checked the past. This conflict between a yearning for a homogenous nation vs. a desire for a diverse mosaic of indivuals has happened before.  The origins  go back to the Enlightenment era, the 18th centiury and a French judge.

Separate but Equal? begins with  Montesquieu, an aristocrat who wrote about the 3 basic forms of government, despotism, monarchy, and republic. (Despotism, one man without fixed laws, according to his own will or whim. Monarch, one man following established fixed laws, and a Republic, sovereignty is in the hands of the many.) For each of these he identified the "principle"--the emotion that inspires members of a society to live in harmony and fulfill common needs.

For despotism, the principle is fear-- of the despot whose agents will punish a subject who does not obey his arbitrary commands. Montesquieu believed this wasn't the best system, that a good political system required rule by known laws that precluded arbitrary action. While a Monarchy does qualify, a monarch can be easily tempted into despotism. Montesquieu's solution was nobles, a hierarchy of ranks by promotion and a prince who rewards the service of his subjects. The motivating principle was ambition for advancement or "honor, " and each step up meant advancement for the public good. (Of course, essential to this order is inequality before the law and the tax collector.)

In Montesquie's Republic, there was an aristocracy-- the rule of a few and a democracy, where sovereign power belonged to the people. This Republic had no ranks, for equality is fundamental. Instead of "Honor," there was the idea of "virtue." The few were motivated by this "virtue."You can see echoes of our Founding Fathers in this:

"Virtue in a republic is a most simple thing; it is love of the republic; it is a sensation and not a consequence of acquired knowledge, a sensation that may be felt by the meanest as well as the highest person in the state..."

"This virtue may be defined as the love of the laws and of our country. As such love requires a constant preference of public to private interest, it is the source of all private virtues....The love of one's country is conducive to the purity of morals, and purity of morals to the love of one's country. The love of the republic in a democracy is the love of democracy. The love of democracy is also the love of frugality."

Morality, equality, frugality, love imply the subordination of the individual to the well being of his fellow citizens. But he did realize people could be motivated by selfish ambition, a desire for honor or public esteem, and personal advantage. Yet in his system of virtue all citizens are responsible for the success of their country. Note, he did not believe that democracy could work in a social unit so large people did not know each other.

James Madison updated this "few" with a balance of power between central and local governments to prevent a majority from concentrating efforts against a minority. And, like Adam Smith, he saw the basic motive in human society to be the pursuit of wealth and property.

The French Revolution corrupted Montesquieu's principle of Virtue with the idea of an "other." The farmer and shopkeeper saw the aristocrats as different, not part of their community of virtue. In 19th century England, as well as France and the United States the "other" was the lower class. The unwashed hungry poor in large cities, often immigrants, were considered a threat to the peaceful wealthier classes.

To contain this threat, the nineteenth-century in Europe and the U.S. had drives to create homogeneous national societies by assimilating social minorities into the national culture or, if like African American and Asians in the U.S., they were considered unassimilatable, excluding them from participation. Though the homogeneous ideal grew out of a new spirit that became strong in the Enlightenment combining individual ambition and public spirit, that movment, says Herr, "underlaid the racial, ethnic, and gender discrimination that culminated in the horrors of totalitarian regimes."

Since the end of World War II he explains, Western nations have experimented with different correctives to the problem. How do nations reconcile national identity with a diverse population?  How do individuals reconcile the right to be different with homogenity? Women's liberation and multiculturalism have offered ways of thinking about these issues. 

Are women and men only able to achieve equality in distinct communities?  Is it possible to coexist in a patriarchal community or form one where women are distinctly different but equal? Herr writes, "Androgynous is the term that feminist writing employs to describe this hoped for society where the good qualities would be shared by the sexes."

"In the 21st century, Western countries have been engaged in how to incorporate gays and lesbians into society with equal rights. In Europe acts of terrorism that have killed passengers in a London subway and a Madrid train and murdered journalists in Paris have aroused apprehensions of the danger that disaffected sectors of a marginalized community can present. In the U.S. the continuing biased treatment of nonwhites has led at times to tragic killing of young African Americans by the forces of order and the forced break up of immigrant Latino families has heightened tensions.

We are still faced with the dilemmas of how to create democratic societies that provide justice for all the communities that compose them and satisfy the yearning for societies with an overarching common identity."

In my opinion, an African American president, though a moderate, ushered in a period of tolerance for racial and sexual equality with a focus on public concerns like preserving the environment and affordable health care.. The backlash from businesses that degrade the environment and groups that champion white privilege should not have been a surprise. Yet so accustomed was I to "common values," it was a shock. 

Like Herr, I hope "we may be again an inspiration for the rest of the world, as our championing of democracy and equality has been for two centuries."  But first I think we need to exchange a would-be despot for a President who believes in the "virtue" of Democracy.

Separate but Equal is by Richard Herr, Professor of History emeritus at the University of California, Berkeley. Recommended for it's comprehensive look at the metamorphosis of  political ideas, governments, and the aspirations of peoples.

S.W.